Mr.
Chairman Sir, in this Address of the President, our foreign policy has
occupied the front place and we were fortunate enough in having a little
schooling the other day by the lady Member who sits there. We had it from the
lady Member who speaks with a little amount of authority on behalf of the
Government on foreign policy. In her own words, she thought that the
foreign policy of India is understood at the school girl level. If that is
the case, I believe it will take her a few years to understand the
elderly statemen of this House in respect of this subject
of foreign policy.
Now, I come to home affairs. While
talking about home affairs, I wish to lay particular stress on a subject which
I consider to be of fundamental importance. I do not140 think there can be two
opinions on the point that the very structure of our society is based on
religious sanctions160
and moral values. I feel that a wrong type of education, with wrong notions
about scientific advancement, and a very wrong conception of the essentials of
a secular State, has created a big vacuum in the life of this country.
Mr. Chairman, Sir, by being
secular we are opposed to a theocratic rule. That is true. But we certainly are
not opposed to religion. The history of mankind shows that our moral values are
rooted deep in religion. If we blindly attack religion, we cannot but weaken
the moral fibre of the country. I definitely feel that that is the
malady from which the country is suffering. I definitely feel that this is why we
are not making that280
headway, that progress, which we should make. That is the reason why we hear of
so many scandals and are yet so complacent about them. What is most
essential in my view is that we should have secular and
spiritual320 harmony in our
lives. I think that was the great gift which ancient India gave to the
world at large. That is definitely a contribution which India alone can
make.
Coming next to the amendment which I
have tabled on education, it was not without some hesitation that I gave notice
of and moved this amendment because there is a clear confession in the
President’s Address itself about Government’s failure in the sphere of
education. But still my feelings in this matter are so strong, and I
feel that it is of such vital importance to the country that
it is420 necessary that
this Council expresses itself in this matter. Also, I knew there were
members who would even defend the indefensible and draw comparisons where no
comparisons are possible.
One of the Members here in
very emphatic language told the House that there had been a vast
expansion in the field of education, that there were about one million480 students in colleges, that about a lakh
of graduates passed out every year, and so on. I consider it to be a great
national loss, a waste of human energy and national wealth. We are playing with
the youth of this country by giving them absolutely purposeless education.
I think it needs no argument to prove it.
Sir, I cannot do better than ask the
hon. Members to read convocation addresses which have been delivered in this
country during the year560
1952 by the President, the Vice-President, the Ministers and the eminent educationists
of the country. They have all condemned the present system of education and have
called for a complete remodelling of it. Yet, Sir, we have a friend here who is
all praise for the educational expansion that has taken place during the
last five years! I think it will be conceded that it is only
through a revolutionary educational programme that the country could be
vitalized. 640 This definitely
was the first step which should have been taken, a step not only
to change the methods but also the content of education. It is really
unfortunate that we have taken no step in this direction till
this day.
Next to education, there is an
important point to which I wish to refer, and I consider that to be very700 important. I refer to the higher
judiciary in this country, the treatment which is being given to the
higher judiciary. Adverse service conditions have already had their
effects. But my change is of a much more serious nature. I refer to the
appointment of a Judge in a High Court; I am not at all referring to an
individual case. I have got the greatest respect for the individuals concerned.
I am only condemning the most deplorable conduct of the Government.
Sir, here is a gentleman who is
thick in politics, with all party affiliations and all prejudices800 that those party affiliations entail.
Here is a gentleman who moves a motion of no confidence against the Government
of a State. Here is a gentleman who condemns the Government of a State in the strongest
possible language. And, Sir, just before the840 commencement of the next session
of the Assembly in that State, the gentleman is appointed as a Judge of
the High Court.
Next, I pass on to the Five Year
Plan. It is absolutely impossible to deal with this vast
subject in the few minutes that I am sure you are so kindly going to
allow me. I would refer only to one aspect of this. Let us have a
look at the Plan from cover to cover. You find nothing in the Plan but absolute
helplessness for the middle classes. There is absolutely
nothing to improve the condition of such people living in towns
and big cities. We all know, Sir, that they are the hardest960 hit people in the country today.
We ought to know, Sir, that they have eaten away all their reserves.
I know that there are980 a number of families who are living
absolutely on the brink of starvation and we know that there is absolutely
nothing but helplessness during the coming five years for this very
important section of the population. We cannot forget the fact that they
still constitute the backbone of the country. Whether they revolt or break
down, in either case, it will spell disaster.
I mention these points merely to point
out the grim picture that we face. We have to take notice of this picture
earnestly, and the President’s Address has rightly given priority to these
things, and we should give more time and thought for our own internal
problems.
Mr. Chairman, Sir, when I say that
we should give more thought to our internal problems, it does not necessarily
mean that we should ignore international affairs. 1120 It is true that we have been
playing with success a great role in international affairs. That role is a peace-making
role and we have played it now for eight years with considerable
success. Industrially and economically, perhaps our position in the world
is not commensurate with the part we are playing in international affairs.
It is our ideals that have succeeded in international affairs, not our internal
strength, and President’s Address is a call to the nation to help build our
internal strength. This really is the prime task facing us today. Therefore, I
say, let us not dabble in international affairs and neglect the tasks that are
facing us internally.
Sir, it is a fashion in the country-
perhaps I am a little guilty of it too- that we want to learn more about other
countries and take more interest in1260
international affairs than perhaps people in America and Europe take about
other countries. People in America and Europe take1280 more interest in their own
national affairs, much more than international affairs. We do not do that.
Therefore, we ought to start somewhere to take more interest in our own
affairs. The President’s Address, I repeat, draws our attention to problems at
home. Out of the eight pages of the Address, five pages deal with matters at
home and only two pages with international affairs. I believe that this is
perhaps the right proportion in which I would like to distribute my attention.
Sir, some amendments moved to the
Motion of Thanks complain about the neglect of some foreign matters. However, I
am very happy that national affairs have taken a greater precedence over
international affairs. 1400
