Sir, I rise to support this amendment. If I had
agreed with the views which my honourable friend holds on university
reforms and the functions of the university, I would not have risen to
support this amendment. But I find that both as a person who takes an interest
in university reform and as one coming from the backward communities, I am in
fundamental disagreement with my honourable friend. Sir, my honourable friend
seems to hold that the University is merely a body for the purpose of
making statutes and regulations, that it is a body which is
merely concerned with holding examinations, and with providing post-graduate
courses in University Departments of Education to be started under this
Bill.120
Sir, I think that it is a very narrow view of the University. One of the
fundamental functions of the University140 is to provide facilities for
bringing the highest education to the doors of the needy and the poor. I
do160
not think that any University in any civilized country can justify
its existence if it merely deals with the problems of examinations and the
granting of degrees. Now, if it is the duty of a modern university to
provide facilities for the highest education to the backward communities, I
think it will be accepted as a corollary that the backward
communities should have some control in the University affairs.
Sir, I look upon the University primarily as a
machinery, whereby240 educational facilities are provided to all
those who are intellectually capable of using those facilities to
the best advantage, but who cannot avail themselves of those facilities for
want of funds or for other handicaps in life. Now, Sir, 280
it is said that the University is primarily a concern of the intelligentsia
and of the educated classes, and that as the University is to function properly
it is necessary that it should be controlled by what are called
the320
educated classes. I would accept that principle, if the educated classes who
are going to control the University possessed what we called social virtues. If
they, for instance, sympathized with the aspirations of the lower classes, if
they recognized that the360 lower classes had rights, if they
recognized that those rights must be respected, then probably we, coming
from the backward communities, might well entrust our destinies to what are
called the advanced communities. But, Sir, for centuries we have had the bitterest
experience of the rule of what are called the higher and the educated classes.
Sir, I think it is420 hardly to the credit of the advanced
classes that there should exist in this country a large part of
the population which is known as the criminal tribes. It is certainly
not to their credit that there should exist in this country a population which
is regarded untouchable. Surely, they could have raised the status
of the depressed classes, 480 they could have raised the status of
the criminal classes. They could have brought their culture to us and made us
equal to them, if they had only the desire to do so. But they have never done
so in the past and do not mean to do anything in that direction in
future. By their callous neglect of us and by their active hostility to
our progress they have convinced us that they are really our enemies. 560
There is no doubt that it is their desire to keep us where we are.
I do not wish to
refer to the debate that has gone on for the last few days. But there
is not the slightest doubt about the600 fact that the Opposition
benches which looked upon the Government as their enemy sided with it
now with the sole object of defeating us on this vital question. There is no
other excuse for their conduct except640 that they wanted to defeat the
claims of the backward communities for representation through nomination. It is
for that reason that they have joined the Government whom they
opposed in season and out of season. Sir, can we have any trust in an
intelligentsia so narrow, so illiberal in its views? My honourable friend said
that if it had been a700 question of division of any material
benefits he would probably consent to the introduction of communal
representation on the Senate. But I720 wish to remind him that the backward
classes have come to realize that after all education is the greatest material
benefit for which they can fight. We may forego material benefits, we may
forego material benefits of civilization, but we cannot forego our right
and opportunity to reap the benefit of the highest education to the fullest
extent. That is the importance of this question from the point of
view of the backward classes who have just realized800 that without
education their existence is not safe. It is for this reason that the
fight for increase of seats is being made.
There is another point to which I wish to refer. It
has been stated several times that since the840 principals in the
different colleges have been given separate representation, it will not be
necessary to increase the number of nominated seats, because, if the
principals had not been given direct representation on the University, the Government
would have been obliged to use at least 10 seats to make for them. It
has also been stated that since a separate provision has now been made for them,
the whole number of 40 seats will go to the backward classes. Now, Sir, I
submit that it is for that very reason that the number of the nominated seats
should be increased for ensuring adequate representation of the backward
classes. It can never be guaranteed to us that the principals of
different960
colleges who have got direct representation as a result of the amendment
of my honourable friend would necessarily be friends980 of the backward
communities. I have had sufficient experience of these principals, and I
am sure that those who will be elected to the Senate will be from the
upper classes and they will never come to the rescue of the backward
classes who are clamouring for education. If the honourable Minister had
added 10 seats more to the strength of the upper classes in the Senate, he
should come to the rescue of the backward communities and equalize the balance.
That can be done only by adding 10 more seats to the seats that have already
been provided1080 in the Bill. Sir, we have
expressed our fears and our doubts. I think it is only fair that in a
matter like this, where the feelings of the backward communities are so high
and where they think that their interest1120 will not be
safeguarded unless they get representation on the Senate, Government should
consider whether it is proper that the Government should use its
official force to put the backward classes at the mercy of the upper classes. I
think it would be wise and I appeal to the honourable Leader of the
House to leave this question to the free vote of this House. Let the
House decide in any way it likes best. With these remarks, I support
the1200
amendment.
Sir, I find it very difficult to follow this section. My honourable friend said that we should not think of a democratic constitution for the Board contemplated under section 2A, and I agree with him on the point. This Board is intended to be a body of experts. Those members who are supposed to be elected by the1260 school boards on the Provincial Board may be persons who will merely express the views of the general public. 1280 Obviously by their constitution, they could not bring to the work of this Board expert mind. The other six members are to be appointed by the Government. There is nothing in this section to suggest that the Government binds itself to appoint only persons who will be experts in education. The clause merely says that three persons shall be appointed by the Provincial Government. There is nothing to indicate that the three shall be experts on education. Therefore, analysing the whole constitution of the Provincial Board, beyond the three Government officers, who will be there, there is certainly no guarantee that the Board as a majority will have experts on it. Therefore, my honourable friend should accept the principle suggested by1400 the honourable Member that this ought to be looked at as a democratic institution. From that point of view, the elective principle should prevail over nomination principle. If my honourable friend says that it ought not to be looked at1440 as a democratic institution but as a body intended to give advice, he must provide for it by saying that the Board shall consist of a majority of experts on education. I suggest to him whether he will accept the amendment that three members to be appointed by the Provincial Government shall be appointed from people who are known as experts on education. He should not leave the matter vague as it is. The Government in its weaker moments may appoint persons who may not be experts. It will frustrate the very object underlying this clause. 1556
