Sir,
I would like to say that, in my opinion, the present Government
is not competent to undertake this piece of legislation. The Government
is aware that the present system of administration is a discredited system. I am
not using that in any critical sense. I am only trying to depict the
facts as we know them. Sir, no section of the population of this
country is satisfied with the administration and the working of this
Government. Indeed, if one wants to state facts as they are, there is a
powerful section in this country which is not prepared to admit
and to acknowledge the moral authority of this Government to rule. Sir, we
also know that we are on120 the threshold of a new constitution. We
know that the Constitution of India for a government of the people, by140
the people and for the people is on the anvil. We all know and I think
we are justified in160 hoping that this new constitution
will be forged within the short period of a year or two, and that a new
government, supported fully by all sections of the community, will be
installed. Sir, having regard to that consideration, I would like to
point out to the honourable Minister and to those honourable members who
are occupying the Treasury Bench that they in their present position are
no better than caretakers. Sir, by common consent a caretaker cannot undertake
substantial240
alterations in the premises he is appointed to look after. At the most, during
the interval before the real occupant comes to occupy his abode, he may
undertake repairs in order to keep the building in working order. I
would280
also like to point out to the honourable Minister the analogy of parliamentary
life. In England where parliamentary system has been in operation
for centuries now, when a Ministry is defeated and when the defeated Ministry
does not resign outright320 and allow the reins to pass into the
hands of the Opposition but chooses to make its appeal to the electorate, it is
an accepted convention of the Constitution that the Ministry so situated must
not undertake any legislation of360 any consequential importance. All that
they can do is to look after the administration pending the decision of
the electorate so that the new Government may not be embarrassed by anything that
may be undertaken by such a Government. I ask the honourable Minister
whether he does not wish to abide by the conventions of the parliamentary
constitution. I leave420 it to him to decide.
Sir,
I do not find any reason why the honourable Minister should rush with
this measure with such terrific speed with only seven days’ notice. I do
not find that there is any great urge, any great necessity, any urgent
call upon him by the people of this Presidency to introduce this
measure. So far as480 I am aware, no political party
in this country has made this measure a party cry. I do not know that the
Liberals, the Responsivists or the Congress members who were in this House
during the last Legislative Council had ever insisted that they looked
upon the introduction of the village panchayats as a fundamental part of their
programme. Not only that, but I do not find that the masses themselves are
clamouring for this measure. If you read560 the report of the
Committee made in 1925 on this question appointed to report upon the working of
the Village Panchayat Act of 1920, what do you find? You find that there are in
this Presidency as many as 30,000 villages, 600 on a rough
calculation. The Act was passed in 1920 permitting the people to apply for the
application of that Act voluntarily. What is the result? The result is that we
do not find a single village panchayat instituted in640 the province of Sindh.
In the Presidency proper, there is a paltry figure of 323 or something like
that. I submit that it is a sad commentary on the civic spirit of the people.
Apart from that, it is a proof that the people are not anxious for the introduction
of village panchayats. I do not wish700 to go into the reasons of that at
this stage, but I am certain that my honourable friend the
Minister for Local Self-Government720 will accept that it is a correct
analysis of the situation. Not only that, but I would like to suggest that the
reason why he has added the judicial functions to the village panchayats is to
sweeten the pill so that it may be swallowed more readily. In view of
these considerations, I think it would be advisable for the honourable
Minister to postpone the Bill sine die so that it may be considered in
all its implications on its800 merits by a new Government which will
be fully representative of the people of this Presidency.
Coming
to the merits of the Bill itself, I find that the Bill has two parts.
The first part deals with the840 functions of the panchayat as a body for
local self-government. I should like to say at once that I have no
objection in principle to the policy of devolution. If it is found
that the local boards of this Presidency are overburdened by the functions
which are placed upon them by the Local Board Act and if by reason of
that they are unable to discharge their functions efficiently, then by all
means you should institute village panchayats so as to disburden the local
boards. If the desire is to constitute panchayats for their own sake,
then to my mind it is a reversion to a very dangerous system.
Many have eulogized the ancient system of village panchayats. Some have called
them960
“rural republics”. Whatever be the merits of these rural republics, I have
not the slightest hesitation in saying980 that they have been the bane of
public life of India. If India has not succeeded in producing nationalism, if India
has not succeeded in building up a national spirit, the chief reason for
that in my opinion is the existence of the village system. It made all
people saturated with local patriotism. It left no room for larger civic
spirit. Under the ancient village panchayats, India, instead of being a country
of a united people, became a loose conglomeration of village communities with
no common tie except common allegiance to a common King. I am glad to say that
this is not1080 my opinion alone. A member of the
committee which was appointed in 1925 expressed himself in that same strain.
In these days when you are striving for bringing about a national spirit,
in these days when you1120 are striving for bringing about a
common nationality and a common sense of Indian citizenship, in my opinion we
ought to do nothing which will nullify and which will dilute that sense.
I would like to leave this aspect of the matter at that so far as I
am concerned.
My
next objection is to the constitution of the panchayats themselves. The Bill provides
that the village panchayats shall be elected on the basis of adult suffrage
both for males and females. 1200 I should like to make it clear to the honourable
Minister that, speaking for the depressed classes, I have not the
slightest hesitation in saying that adult suffrage is not sufficient for us.
The honourable Minister has forgotten that the depressed classes are in a
miserable minority in every village, and assuming that he adopts adult
suffrage, he will1260 readily admit that adult suffrage
cannot convert a minority into a majority. Consequentially, I am bound to
insist that if these1280 village panchayats come, there shall
be special representation for the minorities. At any rate, there
shall be special representation for the depressed classes, and others of course
will speak for themselves. I know that there is a section in this House
who will at once jump and say that this is communalism. Now I agree that
this is communalism. But I am also convinced that communalism must be my
policy. I am not ashamed of it. I will say that India cannot proceed on the
path of political progress without communalism. Without communalism, there can
be no self-government for India. That is the proposition that I would
assert without fear of challenge. Sir, in respect of this, I am1400
glad to find that two members of the committee which was set up in 1925 to
discuss this question supported the plea of the depressed classes for special
representation. In this connection, I would also like to draw
the attention of1440 the Hindu members of this honourable
House to the recent events that have happened. I refer to the Poona
Pact between the Caste Hindus and the Depressed Classes that was signed on the
24th of last month. I am sure many members must have read the terms of that
Pact, but I should like to draw particular attention to one section of it. In
that section it has been agreed that the right of the depressed
classes to representation in all local bodies shall be accepted and an
endeavour shall be made in order to give effect to that part of the
agreement. Sir, I would like to draw the attention of the Hindu members
to that part of the Pact and I am sure whatever may have been the
opinions before 24th of last month, they will now loyally abide by the terms of
that Pact.1587
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