Monday, 4 October 2021

ENGLISH SHORTHAND DICTATION-183

 

Hon. Chairperson, I should like to make one proposal. Although the question of universal adult suffrage has been pointed out by certain members of this Committee to be not possible or practicable, it seems to me that it may be possible to have, at any rate, adult suffrage for the Depressed Classes. There is no reason why all communities should have the same franchise. In fact, there may even be cases which we find in the practical affairs of life, that in order to reach equality of status, we may have to adopt methods of inequality. In the matter of treating the richer class as against the poorer, we do enact certain special measures for the benefit of the latter.120 We tax the richer class at a higher rate than the poorer, with the object that the principle of ability140 to pay the tax may be realized in practice. I think that the same consideration might be applied to the160 Depressed Classes. If the object of the Committee is that all communities should be represented in equal proportion in the electorate, there is no reason why one class of people may not be treated differently from another class of people if a different sort of treatment is the only means available for the purpose. It seems to me that if adult suffrage were applied to the Depressed Class and not to other communities, but other communities had a system such240 as my honourable friend has suggested, it would not be in reality any difference at all, and it would not put any great pressure on the electoral machinery available in the Provinces, having regard to the peculiar position of the280 Depressed Classes, and having regard also to the consensus of opinion that no other system of franchise would give them the vote and without the vote there would be no solicitude expressed for them by any candidate who stands for320 the Legislature at the present time. I think that the Committee would not do any great harm if it recognized the application of this principle to the Depressed Classes.

          We are now discussing the question of the educational qualification. 360 I may just remind you that the second conclusion to which we came was that in any given area the franchise qualification should be the same for all communities. We desire that the Expert Franchise Committee should bear in mind that the ideal system would give each community a voting strength proportional to its population and this Committee should so420 contrive their franchise as to bring about this result. I am afraid that is rather a counsel of perfection, but at the same time the only way in which we can possibly expect them to carry that out is if we give them a certain latitude. Therefore, in considering all these questions of educational qualifications and so on, you have to480 remember that unless you authorize the Franchise Committee to take these into account, you are restricting and not enlarging their possibility of action. I should like to say a word on this subject, without prejudice to the position we have taken all along. It seems to me that as compared with the alternatives which have been suggested, the recommendation made by the Simon Commission seems to me to be better and to be more readily acceptable from my point560 of view. It might be much better to have some authority which will investigate at the end of a definite period exactly what has been the result of the working of the franchise up to that period. That body will be600 able to see what disparity there has been as between the different provinces. That body will be able to see what is the machinery existing at the end of the ten years, in order to cope with the elections if640 the franchise were to be altered. That body will be able to deal with the rights of the mass of the people much more readily, in a much more just and equitable way, than the class-conscious people who may be installed as a result of the limited franchise which we are introducing today. For these reasons, it seems to700 me that the proposals of the Simon Commission are better than the alternatives.

          Sir, what I want to do is to720 move an amendment that immediate steps be taken to see that recruitment to the Indian Army is thrown open to all subjects of His Majesty, including the Depressed Classes, consistently with consideration of efficiency and the possession of the necessary qualifications. I do not merely wish to have this matter recorded; I wish to move it as a substantive amendment, so that the sense of the House may be taken on it. My amendment is very simple one; it seeks800 to remove all discriminations between the different classes of His Majesty’s subjects to enter Military Service. No doubt I move the amendment primarily with a view to protecting the specific rights of the depressed classes, but in doing so840 I am not asking the Committee to confer any favour, I am asking the Committee to see us realize in practice the principle recognized in the Government of India Act, that no subject of His Majesty shall be debarred from entering any Public Service by reason of his caste, creed or colour. Therefore, I do not think I am asking for any special favour. I may point out to you that this amendment is on the lines adopted by the Service Committee. If you refer to the Report of Service Committee appointed by this Committee, you will find that the Service Committee did make a serious effort to see that all subjects of His Majesty had a fair and adequate960 chance in Public Services of the country. The Committee not only enunciated certain fundamental rights protecting subjects of His Majesty980 from being debarred from entering any Public Service, but it went out of its way to make special recommendations, mentioning certain specific communities, such as the Anglo-Indians and the Depressed Classes. But, this amendment is not merely in the interests of the Depressed Classes. I submit that it is also in the interests of all communities and subjects of His Majesty. I think that it is a great public danger that any community in India should be allowed to monopolize any services in the country. I say it is a great public danger, because it not only excites a sense1080 of superiority in these particular communities which have been placed in the position of advantage, but it also jeopardizes the welfare of the people by making them dependent upon the protection afforded to them by certain specific communities. I therefore1120 submit that as we are enunciating a new constitution for India, we ought to begin with a system which will permit every member of His Majesty’s community to play such part as he is capable of by reason of his fitness in any Public Service of the country.

          Sir, I must say that I do not hold a very strong opinion on the question as to whether there should be a Committee appointed or not, in order to give guidance1200 to the future Government of India, but there are two matters upon which I do hold a very strong opinion. The first is that I think the time has arrived when instead of having one common Indian Civil Service to men of all departments, we should have hereafter some provision made for the specialization of Services in order that efficiency1260 may be more greatly secured than it is now. I am not going to say anything as regards the capacity1280 of the Indian Civil Service, because I think that it is generally admitted that it is a capable Civil Service, but I do maintain that the kind of training that one gets in the Indian Civil Service is not sufficient for the discharge of certain duties in certain technical, or otherwise specialized departments. Consequently, it is necessary that some reorganization should take place in the Indian Civil Service in order that we may get greater efficiency in the Service. That is one thing upon which I feel very strongly. Although we have all agreed that there must be Indianization in the Indian Civil Service and that there must be more rapid Indianization in the Indian Civil Service than has been1400 contemplated hitherto, my submission to the Committee is that, looking at the problem from the standpoint of the Indian tax-payer, it is far more necessary that this Indianization should not merely be a change in the personnel of the Service, 1440 but the Indianization must be accompanied by some lowering of the burden on the Indian tax-payer. There must be some differentiation in the remuneration, the salary, the pay and the pensions, and other privileges of the Indian element of the Indian Civil Service as compared with what is granted to the European element of the Indian Civil Service. If this Sub-committee accepts the two points that I am placing before them, namely, the necessity for diversification in the Indian Civil Service, and also the necessity for differentiation in the remuneration between the two elements in the Indian Civil Service, then I think that it is a necessary corollary that there ought to be somebody set up to advise the Government of India to carry into effect these recommendations. It is for these reasons that I support the suggestion that, after the new Constitution is brought into effect, the Government of India should be empowered to set up such a committee1600 as is recommended in Clause 6.