Mr. Chairman, Sir, I rise to speak on
behalf of millions of unknown, yet very important, hordes of unrecognized warriors
of freedom, the original people of India who have variously been known as
backward tribes, primitive tribes, criminal tribes and everything else, Sir, I
am proud to be a Jungli, that is the name by which we are known
in my part of the country. As we live in the jungles, we know what it
means to support this Resolution. On behalf of more than 30 millions of
the Adivasis, I support it not merely because it may have been
sponsored by a leader of the Indian National Congress. I support it because
it is a resolution which gives expression120 to sentiments that throb in every heart in this country. I have
no quarrel with the wording of this Resolution140 at all. As an Adivasi, I am not expected to understand the legal
intricacies of the Resolution. But my common160 sense tells me that every one of us should march in that road of
freedom and fight together. If there is any group of Indian people that
has been shabbily treated, it is my people. They have been disgracefully
treated, neglected for the last 6,000 years. The history of the Indus
Valley Civilization shows quite clearly that it is the newcomers who
have driven away my people from the Indus Valley to the jungles. This
Resolution is not going to240 teach Adivasis democracy. You cannot teach democracy to the
tribal people; you have to learn democratic ways from them. They are the
most democratic people on earth. What my people require, is not adequate
safeguards as Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru280 has put it.
We do not ask for any special protection. We want to be treated like every
other Indian. There is the problem of Hindustan; there is position of
Pakistan; there is the problem of Adivasis. If we all320 shout in different
militant directions, we shall end up in Kabristan.
The whole history of my people is one of continuous exploitation and
dispossession by the non-aboriginals of India punctuated by
rebellions and disorder, and yet I take Pandit Jawahar360 Lal Nehru at
his word. I take you all at your word that now we are going to start a
new chapter of Independent India where there is equality of opportunity,
where no one would be neglected. There is no question of caste in my
society. We are all equal. Have we not been casually treated by the
Cabinet Mission,420 more than 30 million people completely ignored? It is only a
matter of political window-dressing that today we find six tribal
members in this Constituent Assembly. What has the Indian
National Congress done for our fair representation? Is there going to be
any provision in the rules whereby it may be possible to bring in
more Adivasis? By Adivasis, I480 mean not only men but women also. There are too many men in the
Constituent Assembly. We want more women of the type of Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit who
has already won a victory in America by destroying this racialism. My
people have been suffering for 6,000 years because of racialism of the Hindus
and everybody else. My people are deeply concerned about what is going to
happen about the selection to the Advisory Committee.
I
want to be quite clear560 on that point. I think there has been
juggling of words going on to deceive us. I have heard of resolutions
and speeches galore assuring Adivasis of a fair deal. If history had to
teach me anything at all, I600 should distrust this Resolution, but I do not.
Now we are on a new road. Now we have simply got to learn to trust each other.
We must create a new atmosphere of confidence among ourselves. I regret there
has640 been too much talk in this House in terms of parties
and minorities. Sir, I do not consider my people a minority. We have
already heard on the floor of the House this morning that the Depressed
Classes also consider themselves as Adivasis, the original inhabitants of
this country. If you go on adding people like the exterior castes and700 others who are socially in no man's land, we are not a
minority. In any case, we have prescriptive rights720 that no one dare deny. I am convinced that not only
the Mover of this Resolution, but everyone here will deal with
us justly. It is only by dealing justly, and not by a proclamation of empty
words, that we will be able to shape a Constitution which will mean real
freedom. I have heard pronouncements made
by Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru in different parts of
the country. More particularly, I was impressed by what he said during
his visit800 to Assam during the elections. When
he was in Ramgarh, I invited him to come and address the sixty
thousand Adivasis who were assembled at Ranchi, only 30 miles away.
Unfortunately, work kept him busy and he was unable840 to come. Sir, the solutions to the various
problems of the Adivasis are obvious to my mind and these
solutions will have to be thrashed out at some later date.
Here I can only adumbrate what is my faith in what seems to be
the just solution and it is by a realignment by a daring
redistribution of provinces. Sir, the case of my own area has been very
well put by yourself when you were the Chairman of the Reception
Committee of the Ramgarh session of the Congress. I say you cannot
teach my people democracy. It is the advent of Indo-Aryan hordes that
has been destroying the vestiges of
democracy. Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, in his book
‘Discovery960 of India’, talks of the Indus Valley
Civilization and later centuries and says that there were many tribal republics, some980 of them covering large areas. There will again be
many tribal republics which will be in the vanguard of the battle for Indian
freedom. I heartily support the Resolution and hope that the
members who are now outside will have the same faith in their fellow
countrymen. Let us fight for freedom together, sitting together and working
together. Then alone, we shall have real freedom.
Mr. Chairman, Sir, representing the mercantile community, I want to look at this proposal from the businessman's point of view. From that standpoint, I heartily support the proposal that has been put forward by Pandit1080 Jawahar Lal Nehru. In my humble opinion, what the Cabinet Mission did was to recognize the aspirations of the people to attain independence, put some fetters on the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly and leave the rest to the talent1120 and genius of the representatives of this country. There are many lacunae in the Cabinet Mission's Statement which we are entitled to fill and shape our Constitution in such a manner as will give to the people their aspiration and give us a good Constitution. Unless we are prepared to lay down the general objective which we have got to achieve, unless we are prepared to appoint a committee and define the Central Subjects, I do not see how it1200 is possible for us to go ahead with the shaping of the Constitution of India. According to my honourable friend’s argument, at this preliminary session, we would not even be able to appoint a committee to deal with the Central Subjects. I fail to understand how we can go ahead without doing so. If we do not define the Central1260 Subjects at this period of time, it will not be possible for the provinces or the groups to frame their1280 own Constitution. They may assume to themselves powers which may ultimately have to be taken over by the Central Government. It is, therefore, absolutely necessary that apart from laying down the objective, we should find out what is meant by the Central Subjects and what finances are necessary to administer them. Similarly, we shall have to lay down other principles, appoint an Advisory Committee to deal with the rights of minorities, how to safeguard their interests and do any other things that are desirable and endeavour to lay down for the purpose of framing the Constitution. He fears that if we put forward the objective now, Mr. Jinnah and his party may not come into the Constituent Assembly. I very1400 humbly differ from his opinion. We have so often approached Mr. Jinnah. Have we ever succeeded in melting his heart for the purpose of joining us sincerely and honestly for the purpose of attaining independence? Even when the Interim Government1440 was formed, he would not accept the invitation of Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru to join the Interim Government but stated to the contrary that he was accepting the invitation of the Viceroy. When the Congress time and again approached him to reach a settlement, he asked his friend Mr. Churchill to get him invited to London for the purpose of clearing up certain misunderstandings. I call them misunderstandings between the Congress and himself. Even now as we are proceeding with the work of the Constituent Assembly for the purpose of shaping the destiny of our country, he is spending his time at Cairo for the purpose of spreading a disease which I may call Hindu-phobia, that Hindu Raj will extend to the Mid-East. I am not sorry or surprised that he is engaged in the propaganda at Cairo. If he thinks that the Hindus are strong enough to extend their dominions to the Mid-East, it is all the more reason1600 for him to come back to his own country and join us in framing a Constitution for attaining independence with due regard to the interests of all minorities consistently with peace and progress. 1633
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Thrashed out - Discussed fully or produced by discussion
Vestiges - Traces
Adumbrate - Give a general description or idea of something without details
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