Saturday, 24 October 2020

ENGLISH SHORTHAND DICTATION - 109

 

We have had two absolutely useless Bills before this on the same lines which never matured into anything.  We need to have one good Bill.  The National Green Tribunal Bill that would judge environmental issues was introduced in July 2009.  There is this feeling that it was done for the establishment of a National Green Tribunal for the effective and expeditious disposal of cases relating to environmental protection and conservation of forests and other natural resources, but it will have the same powers as a civil court. It will subsume various State level authorities that address environmental issues as well as committees created by the Supreme Court for that purpose.  This new Bill that he is bringing in is flawed120 in parts.  Some of the amendments have already been made by the Minister.  Some of them seem simply cosmetic140 like changing one year to two years and three of them seem all right The intent of most appointed bodies can160 be judged from its composition and on that score the Bill fares poorly.  The proposed composition of the Tribunal follows a tried, tested and failed track.  Anybody who has read the Bill is bound to wonder, whether it is meant to be a club for the retired IAS officers and technocrats.  As it stands, the expert members of the Tribunal would need administrative experience of fifteen years including five years’ experience in dealing with environmental matters in the Central or240 State Government or in a reputed national or State level institution. People who have actually done a huge amount of work in environmental protection cannot join the Tribunal even though they have the experience, and even though they have280 the passion.  After all, Supreme Court Judges are not born knowing the law. What they do sitting at the Supreme Court is to have an eye for truth, an eye for justice, and common sense which is what anybody working on320 the ground has.  But you have excluded us from this by bringing a condition of administrative experience of 15 years, including five years’ experience in dealing with environmental matters in the Central or State Government.  What would you count as360 experience?  Bureaucrats are changed every three years.  They are neither learned nor educated in anything they do.  It is simply a matter of passing files around.  Why do you not give an appointment or the window of opportunity to people who have actually worked?  

All earlier attempts in handling environmental problems have failed because their control was420 left in the hands of bureaucrats.  Had such appointees been competent, those Government departments or institutions where they served would surely have been instrumental in protecting the environment, which is clearly not the case, and that is why you need a Tribunal.  In fact, it is the colossal failure of the administration that is creating the compelling logic for the Tribunal. 480 What would be infinitely better is for the Tribunal expert members to be of technical and scientific background, experts in public health, occupational health, social science with relevant experience in environmental and occupational health or with qualifications for its membership.  There is no provision in this Bill for ecologists, hydrologists and anybody from civil society or NGOs who have been active in the field of environment, to become a member.  This should be changed.  Moreover, a Tribunal member560 can join a corporate house whose case he might have dealt with within two years of demitting office.  You have changed it from one year to two years.  It is a dangerous proposition that harms transparency and impedes the Tribunal’s independence.  The600 House panel feels that judges should not be allowed to take up directorship of any concern or be associated with any industrial house.   Even worse, the shortlisting of candidates will be done by the Ministry of Environment and Forests. 640 We know the kind of pressure that is put on them to select weak or vicious people with no integrity or value, retired bureaucrats or technocrats in search of re-employment.  This is what should be amended.  There should be a transparent process of appointment of members and Chairman.  There should be a noted environmental lawyer or jurist as a700 member.  No bureaucrats should be there as expert members.  In fact, a specific clause that anyone working in Ministry of Environment and Forests720 or any Ministry whose decisions are subject matter before the court, cannot be included.  If we need these great experts, they can be called in for advice. 

One of the honourable Members has talked about amicus curiae.  No doubt, they can be amicus curiae. The word ‘expert’ as qualified by the Bill is expert in science, engineering, technology, and having administrative experience.  Is it the only thing that makes you an expert?  How about people who have spent their800 lives in the field working with cold logic to get justice?  The field should be open to anyone who has dealt with environmental matters in the field.  What amendment can you put in to include people like me?  Then I840 come to the second phase, that is, restrictions on who can approach the Tribunal.  There is an amendment here, which is a good amendment.  It says that any person aggrieved including any representative body can file an application.  The earlier provision was that judicial and quasi-judicial institutions cannot be strong if only a few people conveniently selected by the authorities are allowed to approach them.  Moreover, since the courts have recognized that since environment falls within the purview of Article 21, it is clear that all persons have a duty to protect the environment and a corresponding right to question the adverse impact on environmental health.  The Bill ignores this principle.  In Clauses 14 to 16, it is given that960 the Tribunal is only allowed jurisdiction in those cases which are considered ‘substantial’.  The word ‘substantial’ has been qualified to mean the980 community at large rather than individual or a group of individuals, and the damage should be grave. That is an extremely serious error.  The Tribunal can judge what is ‘substantial’ without any qualification. When does a group of individuals become a community? Would 50 remaining Jarawa tribals qualify as a community or a group of individuals when their forests are cut down by loggers?  Does the individual not deserve protection or does he have to wait until everyone suffers as much as him?  Leaving the judging of the issue to the Tribunal to decide whether the group is large enough1080 or the issue is grave enough is ridiculous.  Let us suppose I live in a lane of six houses which has three peepal trees and a company comes in and cuts them down.  This would seem so small to the1120 Tribunal but it is life and death to that lane. 

What should the Bill add?  All issues arising out of non-implementation or compliance of approval conditions should be a subject of the Bill.  This is one of the main grievances, as you have with all the mining cases that you have taken action on.  They take the approvals for a small patch of land and then destroy an entire district as in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan. You have no compliance1200 mechanisms.  Why do you not make this Bill one of your instruments?  Why is the Bill in Clause 15 restricting itself to just providing compensation and perhaps restitution of property? Does this make sense? After the companies have finished mining, the tribals will get some money from them and black empty holes in the ground laid waste as restitution? The1260 Bill has cut off prospective activity which includes environmental damage.  An amendment is needed here to include prospective damage rather1280 than simply retrospective jurisdiction.  Has the Ministry not heard of the word ‘precautionary’?  Obviously it has, because that is one of the amendments that it has brought in, and that is well done.  But prevention of pollution is the most important way to protect the country.  The Ministry has protected itself by refusing to give the Tribunal the teeth to challenge its decisions. Therefore, the Bill should be amended to give it powers to review a statutory authority’s exercise of judgement.  The courts are subject to review of their decisions.  Why should a Ministry or an Expert Appraisal Committee not be subject to review?  Please bring in an amendment for review of abuse of authority or failure of application of1400 mind. Then, you will see that Government clearances will survive vested interests.

According to Clause 15, the Tribunal can give compensation to the victim but it cannot quash the approval granted.  What does this mean? So, I can keep giving1440 money in the air notionally to the forest dweller but I cannot stop the mining licence.  In that case, what is the point of this Bill?  On the one hand, the Bill can give compensation to individuals; on the other hand, it prevents them from approaching the Tribunal because the licence cannot be cancelled.  So, basically this Bill is neither fish nor fowl and will help polluters carry on their business while giving money to the victims.  Either the drafting is poor or this is a deliberate attempt to make something useless again. Has the Bill got any real power?  The proposed enactment does not have the power to stall any project that caused damage to environment.  It can act only when the damage is done by dealing with the origin of pollution.  It also fails to hold the polluting companies criminally liable for their acts of omission and commission such as Bhopal’s industrial disaster. One of the significant amendments1600 proposed in the new draft is that the decisions of the Tribunal can be challenged in the Supreme Court.